619 
S7 
opy 1 



D bl9 
.S7 
Copy 1 



«u ucssiun ) 



SENATE 



/ Document 
I No. 578 



THE DUTY OF 
A NEUTRAL NATION 



SPEECH 



IN THE 

SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES 

RESPECTING THE DUTY OF THE AMERICAN GOVERNMENT, 

AND ESPECIALLY OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE, DURING 

THE TERRIBLE STRUGGLE NOW RAGING IN EUROPE 

DELIVERED ON SEPTEMBER 9, 1914 



By 

SENATOR WILLIAM J. STONE 

OF MISSOURI 

CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE ON 
FOREIGN RELATIONS 




WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

1914 



^ 






SUBMITTED BY MR. GALLINGKR. 

In the Senate of the United States, 
/SepteTnher 5 {calendar day Sept. 9), lOlIf. 
Ordered, That the remarks of Senator Stone, delivered in the 
Senate on September 9, 1914, on the " Duty of a Neutral," be 
printed as a Senate document, and that 5,000 additional copies be 
printed for the use of the Senate Document Room. 
Attest : 

James M. Baker, 

Secretary. 
By H. M. Rose, 
• Assistant Secretary. 

2 



D. OF G. 



THE DUTY OF A NEUTRAL NATION. 



Mr. Stone. Mr. President, as the Senate is taking recesses from 
da}^ to day, in consequence of which the morning hour is dispensed 
with, I find that if I say what I wish to say about a matter that I 
consider of great importance I am compelled to interpose at some 
juncture like this. So I crave tl^e indulgence of the Senate at this 
time that I may submit some observations respecting the duty of the 
American Government, and especially of the American people, dur- 
ing the terrible struggle now raging throughout Europe. 

Some weeks ago the President of the United States gave out a most 
timely and patriotic address in which he set forth with great clear- 
ness the duty incumbent upon a neutral government and people in 
emergencies like that now confronting us. He appealed with great 
earnestness to our people to observe their obligations of neutrality 
with strict integrity, and warned them against the embarrassments 
that would arise during the progress of the war and of the evil 
effects that would follow thereafter if we failed to keep our pledge 
of neutrality with the utmost good faith. The effect of this appeal 
of the President became instantly manifest and was in every way 
most excellent. Undoubtedly that address has exercised a fine re- 
straining influence upon the conduct, and even upon the expressions, 
of the great body of the people. But as this stupendous conflict 
progresses from week to week, growing in tragic intensity and 
horror, it has become the one all-absorbing subject of public thought 
and attention. And now, I regret to say, that we have everywhere 
increasing evidences that many -of our people are being more and 
more divided into groups, and that these groups are becoming more 
and more sympathetic and outspoken partisans of the one or the 
other side of those engnged in this titanic conflict; and especially is 
this true of a large number of our most important and influential 
daily and periodical publications. Because of this, Mr. President, 
I feel that it would be wise and opportune at this time to add a word 
of admonition to the warning sounded by the Chief Magistrate. 

Mr. President, the citizenship of this Republic is strikingly com- 
posite in character. The sturdy descendants of the Puritan and 
Cavalier — the old Revolutionary stock — are happily still numerically 
strong enough to exercise a controlling influence on the destinies of 
the Republic. At the same time we face the tremendous fact — for 
just now especially it is a tremendous fact — that mingled among 
those descended from the original American stock are millions of 
men and women who have immigrated from Europe, established 
homes in these States, and assumed the dignity and responsibility 
of American citizenship. They have become a permanent and essen- 
tial part of our people and have entered fully into all the social, 
industrial, and political activities of the country. Every important 
country of Europe is represented in this naturalized foreign-born 
population, or in their immediate offspring. All political divisions 
I 3 



THE DUTY OF A NEUTRAL NATION. 



of Great Britain, France, Belgium, Germany, Austria-Hungary, 
Eussia, Italy, Greece, and the Balkan States are represented in the 
vast aggregate of this foreign-born population. As they look upon 
the frightful panorama of this war, with its awful scenes of fire and 
flood, famine and death, it is not only natural but almost inevitable 
that the sympathies of these people should be poured forth in strong 
currents upon their respective fatherlands. It is only human that 
this should be so, and none in fact could expect less. But, Mr. Presi- 
dent, so far as lies within my power, I wish to admonish these, my 
fellow-citizens, and to impress upon them a renewed realization 
of the supreme and all-important fact that they are above all Ameri- 
can citizens. I know that every Senator here will approve and sym- 
pathize with me when I appeal to these American citizens of every 
nationality to keep steadily before their minds the obligation and 
responsibility that they are under to first serve and promote the 
interests, welfare, and "honor of our own Government and people. 
Therein lies the first duty of citizenship and the first obligation of 
loyalty. Sympathy is an impulse of the heart and mind and is 
usually beyond human control. Moreover, sympathy for our kin- 
dred in time of stress is so natural and altogether so honorable and 
ennobling that no man with a spark of that kindred feeling of 
brotherhood common to all mankind would wish to eradicate or sup- 
press it. But lest we forget, I would again admonish my countrymen 
that sympathy is one thing, while that kind of aggressive partisan- 
ship which divides us into warring factions and stirs within us the 
hot blood of battle is another ancTvery different thing. Above all, 
we must hold fast to our own national duty and obligation, and 
any man who falls short of that falls below the standard of good 

citizenship. 

Another thing to which I desire to call especial attention and 
emphasize is the partisan attitude being assumed by many of the 
threat publications of this country. Knowing how potent these piib- 
Fications can be in creating public opinion and in fomenting fac- 
tional strife, it is natural that those upon whom the responsibilities 
of government are cast should look upon this particular phase of 
partisanship Avith deep solicitude and apprehension. The managers 
of these great publications, even far more than individual citizens 
in more private walks, should be very mindful of the patriotic duty 
thev owe their own country in this great emergency. It is a source 
of profound regret that so many influential journals and periodicals 
are beginning to take sides in this mighty contest, and are beginning 
not only to express their sympathies for the one side or the other, 
but to indulge in harsh criticism and sometimes in denunciations of 
the Governments and the armies of those with whom they are not 
in accord. This is not only hurtful at home in exciting animosities 
amon^y our own people, but it creates bad impressions and arouses 
hot resentments abroad ; and moreover it should be manifest to every 
man that this sort of thing works estrangements and makes free 
and cordial intercourse between this Government and the Govern- 
ments of the nations at war more difficult and embarrassing. How 
can any patriotic and right-thinking American forget that ours is 
the only one of the great world powers holding the envuible but 
delicate position of absolute neutrality? To that policy, founded . 
upon the love of peace and springing from an honest desire to be ot 



THE DUTY OF A NEUTEAL NATION. 5 

service to mankind, we are pledged by the most solemn assurance, 
and to a strict observance of that pledge we are bound by every con- 
sideration of national interest and honor. It is amazing that great 
editors and publishers should so forget the supreme duty they owe 
to their own Government as to become callous about and thoughtless 
of the Nation's plighted faith, and to indulge in vituperative attacks 
upon the rulers or the governments of any of the belligerent powers, 
or seek to arouse against an}^ of them a hostile public sentiment in 
this country. 

That sort of thing can not stay the hand of war nor change the 
issue on a single battle field, but it will provoke bitter feeling and 
lead to criminations and recriminations among our own people, 
thereby exciting feuds and endless discord that it will take years to 
silence; and it will excite against us a hostile spirit among those 
nations which may be led to believe that in sympathy and judgment 
we are against them, and that our profession of impartial neutrality 
is empty and insincere. How can any man forget that each of the 
^reat nations embroiled in this frigJitful war, relying upon our neu- 
trality and believing in our profound concern for its welfare, has 
placed its diplomatic interests in the hands of our Government? 
Thus we have voluntarily assumed the delicate task of mediator 
between these various powers. As the representative of all, and 
professing impartial and equal friendship for all, this great Nation 
stands towering before the world with its hands extended to pro- 
mote the cause of peace whenever and wherever opportunity offers. 
With our Government holding this positom is it not almost wicked 
for anj^ American to thrust himself into this tremendous struggle in 
such a way as to weaken our power for good? Is it not perfectly 
plain that our power for effective mediation will be diminished if 
ever any one of the Governments vitally concerned becomes con^dnced 
that in our hearts we are unfriendly to it and v,'ould rejoice at any 
ill befalling it? xVnd then looking beyond the end of the war, will 
not the spirit of resentment and universal ill will linger among the 
people of that nation? Remember, it is a hard thing, my country- 
men, for your Government to maintain its attitude of strict neu- 
trality and discharge the solemn duties incident to that position 
unless you yourselves stand by your Government and nobly uphold 
its hands. Why should any American at this time attack the Kaiser 
and the German Government and offend the German people ? What- 
ever anyone may think of the policies and methods of the German 
Emperor and his Government, this is not the time to give expression 
to his views in otTensive terms. And here let me remark that what- 
ever else may be said of the German Kaiser, this much must he con- 
ceded : That in all Europe no man exceed him in commanding ability, 
in individual force, and in devotion to his Fatherland. And what- 
ever may be said in criticism of the German people, it must be con- 
ceded that nowhere on earth can be found a more frugal, industrious, 
progressive, home-loving, patriotic, and devoted people. 

The masterful work they have performed in creating a mighty 
empire and in making it the seat of industry, of literature, of art. and 
of all the things that conduce to a high civilization is one of the 
marvels of this generation. We have millions of Germans mingled 
in the population of this Eepublic, and they furnish constant and 
convincing proof of the high type and character of the German 



6 THE DUTY OF A NEUTRAL NATION. 

people. There are ties of blood and fellowship and memories run- 
ning back through our history to the Revolution that should stir 
within our hearts a warm attachment for the great people along the 
Rhine who have given the world so many evidences of their just 
claim to greatness. Again, why should any American go into the 
open to attack Great Britain or France? The great body of our _ 
original American stock sprang from the British Isles — England, 
Ireland, and Scotland — and the ties of blood binding Americans to 
the people of Great Britain should be strong enough to restrain all 
Americans from any act or word offensive to this wonderful and 
mighty nation — a nation having few parallels in great achievement 
throughout the history of the world. Why should any American go 
into the open to speak ill of France, the land of Lafayette? What 
thrilling chapters have the genius, the learning, and the valor of 
France written on the pages of history. And so, Mr. President, I 
might run this line of comment through all the nations involved 
in this terrible and ever to be lamented tragedy. We are, and we 
should be, a friend to all these nations and all these unhappy peoples 
in this day of strife, when all of them stand in such woeful need of 
a powerful and honest friend. Never in human history has a great 
nation had such a magnificent opportunity as ours to perform a 
glorious work for mankind and to set a noble example for the 
guidance of the human race. All we have to do is to keep faith 
with ourselves and with our friends, always waiting and watching, 
as we should be, for opportunities to render some service to those 
who are suffering from the sanguinary and destructive turbulence 
with which our friends and kindred abroad are so beset. To suc- 
cessfully accomplish this work Ave have to do, it is vitally necessary 
that not only our Government but our people should firmly maintain 
our position of absolute neutrality. 

Mr. President, I clipped the following from ja, Washington paper 
last Sunday: 

Mr. Henry White, late ambassador to France and for 20 years a distinguished 
figure in American diplomacy, has reiterated from Copenhagen his advice to 
his countrymen to remember that this war is not of our making and none of our 
business. As Mr. and Mrs. White are awaiting a ship to bring them home after 
passing the summer with their son-in-law and only daughter — 

Who are subjects of the German Empire — 

they may be credited with the highest patriotism in urging strict neutrality 
for all Americans. 

This timely and patriotic utterance of this eminent American 
diplomat voices the spirit that should animate all Americans. How 
profoundly I wish that his admonition might find lodgment in all 
our hearts and set the measure for our utterances and our conduct. 

From the same paper I also clipped what I now read : 

AMBASSADOR PROTESTS. 

The Turkish ambassador to-day vehemently protested against " the jokes and 
jibes aimed at Turkey in the American newspapers." 

" These attacks show a great lack of feeling and tact," the ambassador de- 
clared, " in connection with such a grave matter as events which may threaten 
the destiny of nations Turkey has come in for a great deal of pleasantry, and, 
speaking on behalf of the Turkish Government, I must protest." 

The ambassador was without cable communications with his Government 
to-day, but he said Turkey still protested her neutrality. 



THE DUTY OF A NEUTRAL NATION. 7 

Mr. President, I confess myself ashunied that there shouhl be 
American publications in sufficient number pursuing a course that 
makes it necessary for an ambassador of a friendly nation accredited 
to our Government to make this public protest. I am sure that 
Avhatever has been done in this behalf was not done because of ill will 
or out of any desire to ott'end ; rather it is the result of thoughtless- 
ness, or the absence of a proper sense of responsibility. 

Mr. President, it was because of just such things as this, and be- 
cause of such things as I have ventured to complain almut. indulged 
in to excess during the Russo-Japanese War, that almost cost us the 
friendship of Russia — a friendship that had become traditional. 
Since that war the relations between Russia and the United States 
have unfortunately not been characterized by that degree of amity 
which had prevailed for decades before. This causeless disturbance 
of our friendly relations with Russia, foolishly provoked l)v thought- 
less conduct on the part of our own people, has worked seriously to 
our disadvantage. Particularly did we find this to be so when we 
came to negotiate with Russia to l)ring al)out more favorable condi- 
iions for the Jewish people in that Empire. It is hard to break 
through the crust of jH-ejudice and habit and aid those who sutler 
when we attempt to negotiate with a nation whose Government and 
people regard us with suspicion and disfavor. It is always easier to 
deal with one who looks upon us as a friend. It behooves us there- 
fore to so act in all things as to avoid the danger ever present in this 
grave emergency of arousing a deep-seatetl resentment and prejudice 
against us on the part of any of the nations embroiled in this ter- 
rible war. Let us keep true to the course we have marked out for 
ourselves. If only we do this, we will perform a part in this stu- 
pendous era of world-making history that will redound forever to 
the honor and glory of our great Rej)ul)lic. 

In addition to what I have said, there are other reasons founded 
on commercial and economical considerations that should urge us to 
<¥ maintain the most prudent and conservative form of neutrality; but 
I would consider it unworthy to place this appeal to my fellow citi- 
zens upon that ground. Mere selfish considerations looking to profit 
and gain for ourselves for performing a duty which should be jxm'- 
formed solely for higher and nobler reasons should not inti-ude 
themselves u])on our thought when we are delil)eratiMg upon oppor- 
tunities for doing something for the good of mankind and for the 
honor of our country. Possible commercial benefits to us raise con- 
siderations wdiolly apart from what I have been discussing. If, 
indeed, the misfortunes of war, so destructive to others, should 
eventuate in commercial and business advantages to our people, there 
is no reason why we should not in a proper spirit avail ourselves of 
opportunities coming in this way to the fullest extent. But aside 
from all that, and far above all that, we should keep absolute faith 
with the nations of the ^^oi"ld and deeply and truthfully impress all 
of them with a positive belief in our sincerity and in our desire to 
grasp hands with them in a spirit of honest friendship, and to aid 
all of them to the utmost in every way we may find open for such a 
service. 

o 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



Mill mmiii ^ 

020 914 135 8 B 




Metal Edge, Inc. 2007 PAt 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, 



020 914 135 8 



